funkyrooster
King Leer
Registered: Jun 2002
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Another viewpoint from the Foreign Editor of the London Times
Bush solves nothing with bungled pitch to the world
by Bronwen Maddox
PRESIDENT BUSH won what he thought he wanted from the United Nations yesterday, but as he walked away from the podium, it was already vanishing in his hands. It is a superficial triumph that will fail to solve a single one of his problems in Iraq.
He will get the UN resolution that he thinks he now needs. That will give UN endorsement to the project of rebuilding Iraq. But if Bush thinks that it means troops and money will now flow from other countries towards Baghdad, he is deluding himself.
Other leaders will back his resolution, or abstain, because they know that it will be a meaningless expression of support for the principle of united action. In practice, it will commit them to nothing.
We are told that Bush’s speechwriters wrestled with his text for weeks, rewriting it throughout the weekend. He should sack them. It is no shame that his delivery fell short of the tragedy and fury of his speech just days after the September 11 attacks, or the one that followed the first anniversary last year.
But even by everyday standards, it was one of his worst: flat, self-indulgent and much too long. It began by invoking the “battlefield” of New York; Bush was referring to September 11, but it was an unfortunate metaphor, given his battles with the audience in front of him.
He moved too briskly through his remarks on Iraq, supposedly the heart of the speech. He conceded nothing on his handling of the war and its aftermath, but amended his justification for military action. American troops had uncovered countless examples of Saddam Hussein’s cruelty, he said, even if they had not found the elusive weapons of mass destruction.
He had some slight compliments to pay the UN, saying that its agencies had done a good job of fighting malaria. But oddly, he devoted almost the final minutes of the speech to the evils of sex tourism with children, sex slavery and, finally, slavery in general.
No one would disagree with him, of course, but for just that reason, it was a gratuitous attempt to claim common cause — as perhaps was his parting benediction of “God bless you all”. Sex tourism might be emotive, but it is way down the UN agenda; at the top, inescapably, is Iraq.
Despite the chippiness of Bush’s pitch, will other countries help him? Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General, while taking the opportunity to chastise the United States for unilateralism, also called for united action in Iraq. The US has hoped that four, in particular, would do so: Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Turkey. It wants as soon as possible another international division of about 15,000 troops, and beyond that even more, to allow some of the 130,000 US troops in Iraq to go home.
If the UN now passes a resolution, it will reveal whether countries were using its absence as the perfect excuse to stay out of Iraq. But they have others. There is the danger, as the car bomb on Monday near the UN headquarters reminded them, and there is the political risk, given the sheer unpopularity of the Iraq enterprise among many of their people.
Pakistan said yesterday that passage of a resolution would make it “much easier” to contribute troops, but President Musharraf made no commitment. India? Colin Powell, the US Secretary of State, acknowledged yesterday that it would probably still be too difficult politically for Delhi to join in. But he maintained that Turkey “is a possibility” and so, too, Bangladesh.
This looks like the recipe for a few thousand soldiers, at best a division. But it is not the a signal that US soldiers in Iraq should pack their bags. For Bush, not much that was said yesterday looked like lifting the burden of acting alone.
Security issue
Kofi Annan mentioned, in passing, that it might be time to look again at whether the size of the UN Security Council and its voting rules were still appropriate. That is a perennial theme for the past ten years, but one that suddenly is gaining new impetus after four moribund years.
Nobody has an easy solution, but in calling on the UN to look at reasons why countries felt obliged to act unilaterally, Annan was not just throwing a sop to Washington in his otherwise caustic lecture. He was saying, bluntly, that he personally thought it was worth another try.
At the moment, there are five permanent members, each with a veto: the United States, Britain, Russia, China and France. There are ten other rotating members, serving two-year terms.
Almost all ideas for reform would expand the Security Council. “Enlargement” is the word that France has tried to insert into all discussions; it is UN code for not throwing existing members — such as France — out into the cold. In the last attempt four years ago to draw up a new scheme, there was general agreement that Japan and Germany were obvious candidates. Some favoured also adding one from Asia, Africa and Latin America. But although Brazil, India and Nigeria thought that they were the leading contenders, Argentina, Pakistan, Indonesia and South Africa (for a start) did not agree.
Could the number of permanent members be enlarged, but the number of rotating ones shrunk? Possibly, but do you then give 10 or 15 permanent members a veto? It would be unworkable, many agree.
Drafts finally stalled on whether there could be an “outer circle” of permanent members without a veto.
These are arcane matters, of course, rivalling any European debate over bureaucratic architecture. But if Annan wants to avoid future cause for countries to go it alone, he may have to dust off those plans.
Changing sides
In a gathering where there were few enough declaring themselves to be friends of the United States, one formerly friendly voice added itself to the opposition.
Ahmad Chalabi, the present head of the interim Iraqi Governing Council and a former protégé of the Pentagon, sided firmly with the French in calling for a very fast handover of sovereignty.
While thanking the US for getting rid of Saddam, he made a long list of demands that clash at every point with American policy. He wants the UN General Assembly to give his US-appointed 25-member body sovereign status. He wants the council to have at least partial control of finance and security. And he does not want any more foreign troops in the country.
This is a blow, for the Pentagon had groomed Chalabi to be its man in Baghdad.
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